JASON Research: Edward Mandel House

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Edward Mandell House 1858-1938, American political figure, adviser to President Wilson, b. Houston. Active in Texas politics, he was (1882-92) campaign manager and adviser to Gov. James Hogg and his successors. He was known as "Colonel" House because of a Texas state office he held. He met Woodrow Wilson in 1911 and helped him secure (1912) the Democratic presidential nomination. After Wilson's election House became the President's closest adviser. He often served as the President's liaison with members of the administration and important men in the country. Greatly interested in foreign affairs, he was sent to Europe in 1914 in an attempt to prevent the outbreak of war and again in 1915 to propose a peace conference. After U.S. entry into World War I, he was U.S. representative at the conference for coordinating Allied activities. House also gathered data for the peace conference, was American delegate to negotiate the armistice, and was a member of the U.S. peace commission. He helped to draft the Treaty of Versailles and the Covenant of the League of Nations. More conciliatory and realistic than Wilson at the peace conference, his friendship with Wilson ended in 1919 because of conflict on the conduct of the negotiations. House and Charles Seymour edited the documentary What Really Happened at Paris (1921). Some of his papers, selected and edited by Seymour as The Intimate Papers of Colonel House (2 vol., 1926-28), are a valuable historical source.

Bibliography: See A. D. H. Smith, The Real Colonel House (1918) and Mr. House of Texas (1940); A. MacPhail, Three Persons (1929); A. L. George and J. George, Woodrow Wilson and Colonel House (1956, repr. 1964).

http://www.encyclopedia.com/topic/Edward_Mandell_House.aspx

Colonel Edward Mandell House (originally "Huis" which became "House") was born in Houston, Texas. House was educated in New England prep schools and went on to study at Cornell University in Ithaca, New York, in 1877, but he was forced to drop out when his father died. On his return to Texas, House ran his family's business. He eventually sold the cotton plantations, and invested in banking. House moved to New York City about 1902.

In 1912, House published anonymously a novel called Philip Dru: Administrator, in which the title character, Dru, leads the democratic western U.S. in a civil war against the plutocratic East, becoming the dictator of America. Dru as dictator imposes a series of reforms which resemble the Bull Moose platform of 1912 and then vanishes. [Lash pp 230-35]

He became active in Texas politics and served as an advisor to President Woodrow Wilson, particularly in the area of foreign affairs. House functioned as Wilson's chief negotiator in Europe during the negotiations for peace (1917-1919), and as chief deputy for Wilson at the Paris Peace Conference.

House helped to make four men governor of Texas: James S. Hogg (1892), Charles A. Culberson (1894), Joseph D. Sayers (1898), and S. W. T. Lanham (1902). After the election House acted as unofficial advisor to each governor. Hogg gave House the title "Colonel" by promoting House to his staff.

Colonel Edward Mandell House met Woodrow Wilson in 1911, and soon became his mentor, his advisor, and his friend. When Woodrow Wilson was elected president in 1912, Colonel House convinced Wilson they could curb the power of the Ruling Elite by increasing the power of the federal government. President Wilson implemented the 16th Amendment (the progressive income tax), the 17th Amendment (the direct election of senators), and supported the Federal Reserve Act, which created a privately owned Central Bank, and gave the Eastern Establishment control of the banking system.

He became an intimate of Wilson and helped set up his administration. House was offered the cabinet position of his choice (except for Secretary of State which was already pledged to William Jennings Bryan) but declined, choosing instead "to serve wherever and whenever possible." House was even provided living quarters within the White House. After Wilson's first wife died in 1914, the President was even closer to House. However, Wilson's second wife, Edith, disliked House, and his position weakened. House threw himself into world affairs, promoting Wilson's goal of brokering a peace to end World War I. He spent much of 1915 and 1916 in Europe, trying to negotiate peace through diplomacy. He was enthusiastic but lacked deep insight into European affairs and was misled by British diplomats. After the sinking of the Lusitania on 7 May 1915, tension escalated with Germany and U.S. neutrality was precarious. House decided the war was an epic battle between democracy and autocracy; he argued the United States ought to help Britain and France win a limited Allied victory. However, Wilson still insisted on neutrality.

House played a major role in shaping wartime diplomacy. Wilson had House assemble "The Inquiry"—a team of academic experts to devise efficient postwar solutions to all the world's problems. In September 1918, Wilson gave House the responsibility for preparing a constitution for a League of Nations. In October 1918, when Germany petitioned for peace based on the Fourteen Points, Wilson charged House with working out details of an armistice with the Allies.

House helped Wilson outline his Fourteen Points, and worked with the president on the drafting of the Treaty of Versailles and the Covenant of the League of Nations. House served on the League of Nations Commission on Mandates with Lord Milner and Lord Robert Cecil of Great Britain, M. Simon of France, Viscount Chinda of Japan, Guglielmo Marconi for Italy, and George Louis Beer as adviser. On May 30, 1919 House participated in a meeting in Paris, which laid the groundwork for establishment of the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR). Throughout 1919, House urged Wilson to work with Senator Henry Cabot Lodge to achieve ratification of the Versailles Treaty.

However, the conference revealed serious policy disagreements between Wilson and House. Even worse were personality conflicts. Wilson had become much more intolerant and systematically broke with one after another of his closest advisors. When Wilson returned home in February 1919, House took his place on the Council of Ten where he negotiated compromises unacceptable to Wilson. In mid-March 1919, Wilson returned to Paris and lost confidence in House, relegating him to the sidelines.

Colonel House however convinced President Wilson that the United States should enter World War I. Wilson didn't realize Colonel House worked for the Eastern Establishment until the Great War ended, and 125,000 American soldiers were dead. Woodrow Wilson died on February 3, 1924, a broken and disillusioned man. Eight years later, Colonel House befriended Franklin Delano Roosevelt, and he advised President Roosevelt during the first year of his administration. 21.

"I had a nice talk with Jack Morgan the other day. . . . J.P.M. did not seem much troubled over the gold purchasing, and confessed that he had been completely misled in regard to the Federal expenditures. The real truth of the matter is, as you and I know, that a financial element in the larger centers has owned the Government ever since the days of Andrew Jackson . . . . The country is going through a repetition of Jackson's fight with the Bank of the United States -- only on a far bigger and broader basis. . . .

Take care of yourself and do write me soon."

Always sincerely, Franklin D Roosevelt." - President Roosevelt's letter to Colonel House, op. cit.; copy available from Radio Liberty

In the 1920s, House strongly supported U.S. membership in the League of Nations and the World Court, the Permanent Court of International Justice.

In 1932, House supported Franklin D. Roosevelt without joining the inner circle. Although he became disillusioned with the New Deal, he did not express his reservations in public.

House died on March 28, 1938 in New York City. He is buried at Glenwood Cemetery in Houston. House Park, a high school football stadium in Austin, Texas, stands on House's former horse pasture.

A statue of House stands in Park Skaryszewski in Warsaw, in honor of "a noble spokesman for the Polish cause."

References

* George, Alexander L. and Juliette George (1964). Woodrow Wilson and Colonel House: A Personality Study. Dover Publications. ISBN 0-486-21144-4. a controversial study

* Godfrey Hodgson. Woodrow Wilson's Right Hand : The Life of Colonel Edward M. House (2006), the standard biography

* Lasch, Christopher. The New Radicalism in America, 1889-1963: The Intellectual as a Social Type (1965)

* Charles E. Neu. "House, Edward Mandell"; American National Biography 2000. online

* Arthur Walworth, Wilson and His Peacemakers: American Diplomacy at the Paris Peace Conference, 1919 (1986)

Primary sources

* Edward Mandell House, PHILIP DRU: ADMINISTRATOR: A STORY OF TOMORROW 1920-1935 [1], 1910

* Edward Mandell House & Charles Seymour. What Really Happened at Paris, 1921

* Edward House, The Intimate Papers of Colonel House ed by Charles Seymour, ed. (1926-28)

* Link, Arthur C. ed. The Papers of Woodrow Wilson (69 vol), included hundreds of letters and memoranda between House and Wilson; available in large academic libraries

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edward_M._House

Edward M. House, a man now almost completely forgotten, was one of the most important Americans of the twentieth century. Given that most high school seniors do not know that the War Between the States was fought sometime between 1850 and 1900, we cannot reasonably expect many people to recognize his name today, much less to know anything about him. I suspect that scarcely anyone except a smattering of history teachers and a few history mavens can accurately state why House was an important figure in U.S. history. Yet he arguably had a greater impact on the past century than all but a handful of other actors.

Political history tends to be written primarily with reference to formal state leaders – pharaohs, caesars, kings, prime ministers, presidents, and their most notable civilian and military officers. Yet probably at all times and places, much less prominent individuals have exerted potent influence out of the limelight or completely behind the scenes. I have long been interested in what we might call the general theory of gray eminence and in leading examples of the genus. The typical American now knows little or nothing, for example, about Bernard M. Baruch, John J. McCloy, Clark Clifford, and David Rockefeller, although each of these men played a powerful role in shaping the world in which we now live. I do not mean to suggest that all such unofficial movers and shakers are rich and use their wealth as the key that admits them to the inner sanctums of official power. Some, such as House, were not outrageously rich, and some who were, such as Baruch, had great influence not simply because of their wealth, although having great gobs of money at one's disposal certainly never hurts when one sets out to cultivate so-called statesmen.

Edward Mandell House (1858–1938) grew up in Houston, Texas. His father, Thomas William House, an English immigrant who had made a fortune as a blockade runner during the War Between the States, died the third-richest man in the state in 1880, leaving to his children an estate valued at $500,000. Edward managed his share of the inheritance astutely, even though he spent much of his time engaged in politics―never running for elective office or seeking an appointive one, but helping other men to gain office and make policy. Though a sickly man and certainly not a flamboyant one, he had a flair for making friends who appreciated his discretion, respected his views, and valued his counsel. This talent for winning friends and influencing people would remain the basis of his remarkable achievements in politics throughout his life. He was, in today's lingo, a very smooth operator, appreciated all the more because he clearly had no desire to displace the king he had just helped to place on the throne. The power he sought was the power behind the throne.

By 1910, House was seeking a new, wider stage for his political activities. He had played an important part in getting four governors elected in Texas and in guiding their policies in office―the first of them, Jim Hogg, had given him the entirely honorific title of Colonel, by which he was known thereafter―but he was losing interest in the local scene.

After maintaining a residence in Austin since 1886, he took an apartment in New York City in 1902. He also spent a good deal of time in the summers at a rented house on the shore near Boston, and in Europe. Wherever he went, doors were opened to him, and he and his wife Loulie entertained actively in return. The range of his friendships, acquaintances, and social connections was extraordinary. His biographer Godfrey Hodgson reports:

His diary records meals with Henry James, Edith Wharton, and Rudyard Kipling, as well as with the virtuoso pianist Ignazy Jan Paderewski, who became president of Poland. He mingled with politicians, generals, bankers, academics, journalists, and society hostesses in New York, Paris, and London. He knew J. P. Morgan Jr. well enough to call him "Jack," and he dined with Henry Clay Frick in the house that became his great art museum. (Woodrow Wilson's Right Hand, p. 9)1

Not a bad showing for a man who had left Cornell before graduating and whose annual income ranged only from $20,000 to $25,000 (approximately $450,000 to $560,000 in today's dollars).

In 1911, he spied what he took to be a potentially rising star to which he might hitch his idle political wagon, a man with no prior experience as a politician until his election as governor of New Jersey in November 1910. Woodrow Wilson (1856–1924) had been, except for a brief stint as a fledgling lawyer, a lifelong academic; he spent his life prior to 1910 as a student, professor, and university administrator, serving from 1902 to 1910 as president of Princeton University, an office in which he gained a well-deserved reputation for his self-righteous refusal to compromise. After Wilson's election as governor, a number of Democrats began to tout him as the party's next candidate for the presidency, and in the winter of 1910–11, House decided to join this movement, "to do what I could to further Governor Wilson's fortunes" (56).

House played an important role as campaign strategist and intra-party peacemaker in 1911 and 1912, and he deserves part of the credit for getting Wilson first the nomination and then the presidency. Of course, the principal person responsible for Wilson's election was Theodore Roosevelt, whose insatiable craving for power had led him to bolt the Republican Party and run as a Progressive Party (Bull Moose) candidate, thereby splitting the opposition to Wilson and ensuring a Democratic victory. House played a more important role after Wilson's election, because the president-elect had little interest in the nuts and bolts of party politics, including the distribution of patronage and the selection of men for cabinet and other high-level positions, and he left these decisions largely in House's hands. Wilson offered House himself any cabinet position he wanted, except secretary of state, which had been reserved for William Jennings Bryan, but House declined, preferring to work in the shadows as the president's most trusted advisor.

In this capacity, House quickly developed an extraordinarily intimate relationship with the president as political advisor, personal confidant, and frequent social companion. He engaged actively in the extended politicking that ultimately led to passage of the Federal Reserve Act, and in the ticklish matter of U.S. relations with Mexico, then in the throes of violent revolution. As war clouds began to gather over Europe, House, with Wilson's approval, undertook to head off hostilities by bringing about an understanding among the three greatest powers, the United States, Great Britain, and Germany, making them jointly the guarantors of world peace. He met with Kaiser Wilhelm II and with British foreign secretary Sir Edward Grey, among others, to work up interest in the plan, but this attempt at preemptive reconciliation obviously never came to fruition.

During the war, House actively engaged in efforts to bring the fighting to an end. He shared Wilson's view that the most desirable outcome would be one that left the postwar world drastically reshaped in a way that eliminated or greatly diminished militarism, promoted national self-determination, spread democracy, left the United States standing astride the international political system, and brought about Wilson's recognition as the world's savior. In short, House shared Wilson's peculiar megalomania and undertook to make its main objective a reality. At the same time, House, ever the practical deal-maker and compromiser, understood that the United States could not simply impose its will on the world and that the Americans would have to yield other powerful nations, especially Great Britain and France, some of the prizes they sought to gain from the war. As Hodgson writes, both "Wilson and House were willing to bargain territories and populations for the particular peace they wanted" (106), even if they had to sacrifice "national self-determination" along the way.

After the war began in 1914, Wilson proclaimed that the United States would remain neutral in word and deed, but Wilson and House's natural inclination was to favor the British, and as various provocations by both sides ensued, the president and his right-hand man dealt with them in a fashion that tilted the United States increasingly toward frank support of the Allies and opposition to the Central Powers. As early as the Lusitania's sinking in May 1915, House advised Wilson that Americans could "no longer remain neutral spectators" (109), but Wilson moved toward war more hesitantly. When secretary of state Bryan refused to abandon honest neutrality, sensibly holding the British starvation blockade of Germany to be as reprehensible as the German torpedoing of (arms carrying) passenger liners, he was pushed out of the government and replaced by Robert Lansing, From the outset, however, Lansing was allowed little real discretion, and House acted as the de facto foreign minister. A joke went around in Washington:

Question: How do you spell Lansing?

Answer: H-O-U-S-E.

House began to preach "preparedness," which meant building up a great U.S. army and navy. Hodgson writes: "While the president dreamed of saving the world, House was beginning to contemplate the implications for the American state of being a world power. In this activity between 1915 and 1917 it is not fanciful to see a first, sketchy draft of what would become the national security state" (113). Although House continued his efforts to bring the warring parties to a truce, he admitted early in 1916 that "in spite of all he was doing, a break with Germany could not be averted but only deferred" (115). According to French foreign minister Jules Cambon, House told him in February 1916 that U.S. entry into the war on the Allied side was inevitable and awaited only a serviceable incident that would cause the American people to rally behind the president's call for war (116). Needless to say, a peacemaker who is already resigned to war can scarcely hope to bring about peace, and indeed House's efforts failed to halt the massive, pointless bloodletting in Europe.

In 1916, when Wilson ran for reelection, House played a much greater role than he had played in the campaign in 1912. He had "no official role in the campaign, yet he planned its structure; set its tone; guided its finance; chose speakers, tactics, and strategy; and, not least, handled the campaign's greatest asset and greatest potential liability: its brilliant but temperamental candidate" (126). After campaigning on the slogan "He kept us out of war," Wilson narrowly won a closely contested election.

Shortly after beginning his second term, however, Wilson asked Congress for a declaration of war. We may properly attribute a substantial share of the credit (or blame) for this action to House's subtle and persistent efforts to move the president toward it during the preceding two years. As House confided to his diary, he had worked from the start of his relationship with Wilson to influence him in a certain direction: "I began with him before he became President and I have never relaxed my efforts. At every turn, I have stirred his ambition to become the great liberal leader of the world" (139). In Wilson, a man whose grotesquely swollen conception of his own importance had few equals, House's teachings had encountered a highly receptive pupil.

Once the United States became a declared belligerent, the prospect of an Allied victory increased greatly, and House occupied himself actively not only in engineering a way to end the fighting, but also in planning the contours of the postwar world. Like Wilson, House "believe that the war had been imposed on the peoples of Europe by the monarchies and their aristocracies" (150), and therefore both men maintained that a postwar settlement should include, among other things, the destruction of the German and Austro-Hungarian empires and the creation of a number of new, democratic states in central Europe. To fill in the details of this vision, Wilson asked House to assemble a group of experts. The resulting project was known as the Inquiry, and the plan it created became the basis for Wilson's Fourteen Points and for his principal proposals at the Versailles conference. The Inquiry ultimately placed 126 scholars on its payroll. Although each of them had substantial credentials, hardly any of them was expert on European politics – a shortcoming that helped to doom the president's dealings with the likes of David Lloyd George and Georges Clemenceau at Versailles. Indeed, as one ponders this big committee's hubristic attempt to redraw the map of large parts of Europe and other regions, such as the Middle East, F. A. Hayek's idea of the "pretense of knowledge" springs to mind:

Few [members of the Inquiry] had any detailed knowledge of, for example, the disputed frontiers of Romania, Hungary, or Bulgaria, still less of the history and ethnography of Poland or the Ottoman Empire. One who was assigned to work on Italy confessed later that he was "handicapped by a lack of knowledge of Italian." . . . [W]hen it came to what we would now call the Middle East, the Inquiry more or less gave up. (160)

Is it any wonder, then, that the arrangements made at Versailles for the Middle East proved to be the source of what has aptly been called "a peace to end all peace" and that almost a century later the world continues to pay a horrible price for the statesmen's bungling in 1919?

House contributed probably more than anyone else to the formulation of Wilson's Fourteen Points, which served as the understanding that led the Germans to silence their guns in November 1918. On the night of January 5, 1918, Wilson and House sat down together at 10:30 to sketch out a major speech by Wilson on his vision for a postwar settlement. Two hours later, they had, as House wrote in his diary, "finished remaking the map of the world" (165). When Wilson delivered his speech, however, he "conspicuously ignored complexities the Inquiry had recognized" (167). (Of course, politicians always ignore complexities; if they didn't, they wouldn't last long as politicians.) Later, after the Treaty of Versailles had been hammered out―and Wilson's amateurish attempt at direct diplomacy hammered pretty severely in the process―the Germans justly complained that they had been hoodwinked into the Armistice by Wilson's promise to make the Fourteen Points the basis of a postwar settlement. As Englishman Harold Nicolson wrote,

It is difficult to resist the impression that the Enemy Powers accepted the Fourteen Points as they stood; whereas the Allied Powers accepted them only as interpreted by Colonel House. . . . Somewhere, amid the hurried and anxious imprecisions of those October [1918] days, lurks the explanation of the fundamental misunderstanding which has since arisen. (190)

And what a momentous misunderstanding it was! Even James Brown Scott, a legal expert in the U.S. delegation, said of the ultimate treaty that "the statesmen have . . . made a peace that renders another war inevitable" (243). In light of this history, we might credit House with having made an important contribution to ending the fighting in 1918―and to establishing the preconditions for its resumption in 1939.

House and three others joined Wilson himself to compose the five-man American delegation to the high-level negotiations at Versailles that began in December 1918. House shared Wilson's vision of a League of Nations, and at the conference he did as much as anyone to make this vision a reality, albeit one born with a congenital defect, owing to the ultimate U.S. refusal to join it. Twenty-six years later, the creation of the United Nations, a second try at the establishment of an international peace-keeping league, may therefore be traced in part to back to House.

When Wilson departed France in mid-February 1919, he left House at the conference "to act in his place and with his full confidence" (215). In the president's absence, House proceeded to do what he had been doing successfully for decades: he made deals, compromising where necessary to gain the other parties' agreement and creating the best possible arrangements he could make in an extremely complex and challenging situation. Although House kept Wilson informed as he went along, the president seems not to have fully comprehended what House was agreeing to in France. When he returned to Versailles in mid-March and absorbed the details, he reacted with dismay to what he viewed as the betrayal of his high ideals for the settlement. Although House continued to negotiate specific matters at Versailles, he never again acted as the chief U.S. delegate, and the intimate relationship between House and Wilson quickly dissolved: "their friendship never recovered from the events of February and March 1919. It ended in bitterness and mutual incomprehension, with grave consequences for both of them and ultimately―it really is no exaggeration to say―for the peace of the world" (217). After the Germans signed the treaty in June, House saw the president off for his return voyage to the United States. Their conversation on that occasion was the last they would ever have.

"Wilson's entourage [consisting of his wife Edith, his personal physician Admiral Cary T. Grayson, his press secretary Ray Stannard Baker, and the kingmaker Bernard Baruch], then and for the rest of their lives, interpreted House's entirely intelligible and honorable diplomatic maneuvers as the blackest treason" (225). Edith Wilson, whom the widowed president had married in 1915, had disliked House from the beginning. She evidently resented him because of the intimacy he shared with her new husband. After the president became incapacitated by a major stroke in September 1919, Edith, besides acting as de facto president of the United States for much of the remainder of his term, made sure that no communication from House reached the bedridden Wilson. For years the two men had been so close that Wilson trusted House to speak for him, confident that his own thoughts would be expressed precisely. "Mr. House," the president had once said, "is my second personality. He is my independent self. His thoughts and mine are one" (6). But now House found himself completely cut off. It is a dangerous thing to disappoint a vainglorious and vindictive man, but no less dangerous to vex his ruthless, scheming wife.

House lived another twenty years after the war. He continued to circulate in the highest circles in the United States, especially among the movers and shakers of the Democratic Party, and in Europe, but he never again exercised the kind of influence he had exercised from 1912 to 1919 by virtue of his close association with Woodrow Wilson. He went to considerable lengths to tell his side of the story and to vindicate his actions, while Edith Wilson and the other members of Wilson's entourage continued to demonize the erstwhile gray eminence and to blame him for the president's postwar failures. House still traveled in style and socialized with European aristocrats and American plutocrats. He was, in Hodgson's expression, "a grandee on a world scale" (263). He never publicly criticized Woodrow Wilson, and even in private, where he did criticize, he always professed loyalty. When Wilson died in 1924, House wished to attend the funeral, but Bernard Baruch told him that he would not be admitted. After advising Franklin D. Roosevelt in the 1920s and early 1930s, House became a peripheral figure in the Brains Trust in 1932 and 1933 and contributed to Roosevelt's election as president. Only in his final few years did he finally withdraw into his private affairs.

He never became bitter. In old age, he developed greater infirmities and grew tired of living, but he was satisfied that he had played a significant role in great events. As he said, "My hand has been on things" (272). Indeed, it had been―to a degree that, in our day, very few Americans appreciate.

1. Henceforth, all parenthetical page numbers not otherwise identified may be assumed to come from this source.

August 12, 2008

Robert Higgs [send him mail] is senior fellow in political economy at the Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review. He is also a columnist for LewRockwell.com. His most recent book is Neither Liberty Nor Safety: Fear, Ideology, and the Growth of Government. He is also the author of Depression, War, and Cold War: Studies in Political Economy, Resurgence of the Warfare State: The Crisis Since 9/11 and Against Leviathan: Government Power and a Free Society.

http://www.lewrockwell.com/higgs/higgs86.html

Not many Americans outside the historical fraternity have heard of Philip Dru. Even among that well-informed group, not many are willing to admit the powerful role Philip Dru played in shaping the history of the twentieth century.

You may be nonplused to discover that Philip Dru is a character in a novel, Philip Dru, Administrator. It is not a very good novel. But its main character and his message acquired enormous significance when the author, Colonel Edward Mandell House, became the intimate advisor to the president of the United States, Woodrow Wilson.

Philip Dru tells the story of a military and political genius who took over a wealthy disordered quarrelsome nation and led it into an era of superhuman contentment by persuading the people to make him their supreme autocrat. This vision was not very different from Woodrow Wilson's view of how things worked best politically. In one of his books he wrote that the "graver questions" of politics, such as the choice between peace and war, could only be decided by "the selected leaders of public opinion and rulers of state policy."

Wilson maintained that in America the supreme leader of public opinion and most trustworthy architect of state policy was the president. Congressional government was a messy ultimately feckless process, to be avoided at all costs. It was easy to see how in Edward Mandell House's reveries, Woodrow Wilson became Philip Dru. Few historians have bothered to read Philip Dru, Administrator in recent decades. A close examination reveals a surprisingly militaristic side to Dru's approach to political problems. Although the details are submerged in murky generalities, Dru, a graduate of West Point, fights a large scale civil war with the forces of "privilege" before ushering America into an era of domestic peace and harmony.

Wilson's performance as president revealed a similar readiness to resort to military solutions. During his first term, he sent the U.S. Marines into Haiti and the Dominican Republic to support governments that had few backers outside of the business elite and their American friends. Wilson also used the threat of the Marines to make Nicaragua a virtual protectorate of the United States. To prevent the Mexican politician he disliked from acquiring guns from abroad, he ordered the U.S. Army and Navy to seize the port of Vera Cruz. The Mexicans resisted fiercely, and a day of fighting left 126 Mexicans and 19 Americans dead. Even the Mexican politician that Wilson was backing, Venustiano Carranza, denounced the invasion as a gross violation of the rights and dignity of the Mexican people.

This was the president who led Americans into the First World War in 1917 to make sure he had a seat at the peace table. Wilson assumed that America would not have to send any soldiers to Europe. Completely deceived by British and French propaganda, the president thought the war against Germany was as good as won. He was dismayed when British and French military missions showed up in Washington in May of 1917 and confessed they were on the brink of defeat. "We want men, men, men!" the generals said.

This is the sort of thing that can happen when the autocratic style pervades the presidency. Wilson seldom sought advice or information from anyone but Colonel House. His cabinet was a collection of mediocrities whom he rarely consulted. House had selected most of them. Philip Dru's autocratic style also pervaded Wilson's peacemaking. He seemed to think that the enunciation of lofty slogans was the equivalent of realizing them on a practical level. When he and House composed the famous "Fourteen Points" speech, stating the principles the world must accept to have lasting peace, the diminutive Texas colonel (an honorary title) told his diary with immense satisfaction: "Saturday was a remarkable day. We got down to work at half past ten and finished remaking the map of the world, as we would have it, by half past twelve o'clock."

Behind Wilson's back, the Europeans mocked his Fourteen Points. The French premier, Georges Clemenceau, sneered that God had been satisfied with ten commandments. At the Paris Peace Conference, Clemenceau and British Prime Minister David Lloyd George overrode Wilson's objections and wrote a vengeful peace treaty that sowed the seeds of World War II. It was poor compensation for the 120,139 Americans who had died in World War I.

Back in the United States with a treaty that almost every liberal in the U.S. Senate denounced, Wilson became a veritable incarnation of Philip Dru. He refused to compromise with anyone on his version of the League of Nations, which required America to surrender its sovereignty to the world government.

When the Senate rejected the treaty, Wilson tried to overwhelm his opponents with oratory on a nationwide speaking tour. In Pueblo, Colorado, he collapsed with a cerebral thrombosis. After a partial recovery, he forced the Democratic Party to make the 1920 presidential election "a great and solemn referendum" on the peace treaty. By this time the American people were thoroughly sick of Woodrow Wilson, his war and his peace. The Democratic candidates, James Cox of Ohio and Franklin D. Roosevelt of New York, were buried in one of the greatest landslides in American history.

Philip Dru was repudiated but his legacy remains a constant temptation in America's foreign policy. Too many people -- both supporters and critics of President George W. Bush -- seem to think that America can or should achieve instant democracy and respect for human rights in nations such as Afghanistan and Iraq, simply by proclaiming our faith in these principles. Unless we flavor our idealism with a large dose of realism -- and patience -- we may find ourselves a very disappointed nation, again.

http://hnn.us/articles/printfriendly/1451.html

Copy of the book...

http://books.google.com/books?id=UEnO9nPLVEoC&dq=Edward+Mandel+House&printsec=frontcover&source=bl&ots=tDYI_zmBwo&sig=7EZZTTjpzaOaiYfsD-IX18TWLEc&hl=en&ei=ghc9SrHnJpqeMsXo2aAO&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=8

The Historical Significance of the House Diary
BY ARTHUR WALWORTH

The House Papers in the Yale University Library constitute one of the most important and least explored of the major sources of documentation for what may be called the Wilson years in American history. House's voluminous diary, providing a clear and first-hand record of important events and confidential interviews, offers a backstage view of the development and application of the political creed that through most of the twentieth century has inspired the United States Government in coping with social distempers at home and with arrant aggression abroad.

Almost every evening during the eight most active years of his life House dictated to his confidential secretary and collaborator, Miss Frances B. Denton, a record of the events of the day. The significance of much of what he said was ephemeral, and one does not often find the flavor and detail of great literary diaries. However, many first-hand observations on both men and events were set down with objectivity and frankness when they were fresh in the mind of the diarist, making this journal of special value to scholars. Obviously of the first importance to anyone writing critically about House himself, the diary contains also many vital records of revealing conversations, in Europe as well as the United States, with renowned statesmen, cabinet members, and ambassadors of the early twentieth century. Such documentation is precious to biographers of eminent men of the times. Moreover, it merits close inspection by historians wishing to follow the injunction of von Ranke to write history "the way it really was."

The permanent significance of this source is being recognized by scholars and especially by those concerned with the Wilson years of American history. For example, many excerpts have been printed in The Papers of Woodrow Wilson, whose editor-in-chief, Arthur S. Link, regards the House diary as "one of the indispensable sources of our knowledge of Woodrow Wilson and his time." "Monumental in its source is not too strong a description of it," is his verdict in a recent letter to the writer.

The most significant contribution of the House diary to history is found in its recordings of intimate tête-à-têtes with Woodrow Wilson. This scholarly president was wont to take to his heart and open his mind to very few men, and to no one so freely, when political matters were discussed, as to House. Thus the diary became forever indispensable to scholars of the politics of the Wilson era, and especially so when its entries are read in conjunction with other relevant diaries and correspondence in the papers of House's associates in Manuscripts and Archives, Yale University Library. Wilson kept no journal during his years in the presidency; and among the records of his two terms of office, in which there were no minutes of Cabinet meetings, House's daily dictations are especially valuable as a mirror of top-level politics at Washington. By studying the records of conversations that were held in what House called "graveyard" secrecy scholars can probe into he president's thinking during some of the most critical moments in the history of the United States and that of the world.

When Wilson entered the national political arena in 1911 with a reputation as a dynamic reformer on the Princeton campus and as governor of New Jersey, American citizens were pressing demands - sometimes violently - for legislation that would mitigate the social distress that accompanied the progress of invention and the growth of both irresponsible wealth and feckless poverty. There was fear of a general breakdown of civil order in the new world of the twentieth century. Entering the White House in March of 1913 without the support of a majority of the voters, Wilson determined to think constructively and to act effectively upon the most important issues of the day. Telling his family that it was harder to make history than it had been to write it, he felt a need for a conscientious confidant who could be depended on to serve his Presbyterian God unselfishly. He found the ideal comrade in the person of Edward Mandell House of Austin, Texas.

Bearing the honorary title of "colonel," which was conferred upon him in appreciation of his skill in managing gubernatorial campaigns in Texas, House played the game of politics cannily, and he played to win. Born in Houston in 1858, the seventh son of a prosperous planter and exporter whom he respected, he had forgone formal higher education for the exciting world of great affairs and political manipulation. He was a "boss" who could afford to be a benign patron rather than an office holder. His considerable influence, a Texan essayist has written, "grew out of his talent for friendship, for granting and receiving confidences, for making the voices of sympathy and wisdom sound harmonious in his advice."1

Through all the rough-and-tumble of Texas politics House sustained a vision of ideal government. In 1911 he took interest in finding a candidate for the presidential election of 1912 who could be depended on to work for the causes in which he believed. These causes he had endorsed by writing an anonymous novel, Philip Dru: Administrator, in which his fictitious hero, making himself a benign dictator, abolished protective tariffs, set up a system for social security, and arranged for the representation of labor on corporate boards and for a sharing of profits among the workers. Moreover, he imposed a graduated income tax, and developed a banking system that presaged the Federal Reserve; and he united the Great Powers of the world in a league for collective security. Studying current proposals for these and other reforms, House at the same time aspired to a level of ethics in politics as high as that of his father and other gentlemen with whom he had done business. "Most of it," he wrote of his novel, "I stand upon as being both my ethical and political faith."

Desiring to win attention by his affirmation of civic virtues, he derived some satisfaction from flattering praise by friendly critics; but it was clear that his book lacked both literary value and appeal to the reading public. In 1911, feeling the need of an eloquent voice of proven potency, and dissatisfied with the various candidates proposed for nomination for the presidency by the moribund Democratic Party, he turned to the eloquent Woodrow Wilson, who, in House's opinion at that time, might not be the man best fitted to be president, but was the best who could be nominated and elected.

Democratic bosses who were giving serious consideration to Wilson as a candidate arranged for a meeting of the two men at House's hotel in New York. In an hour of talk and in several subsequent conversations a true marriage of minds took place. They found a remarkable congruence in their ideas about men and measures. Afterwards House wrote to his brother-in-law: "Never before have I found both the man and the opportunity."

In the campaigns for nomination and election in 1912 House operated on the national level with practical effectiveness, as he had in gubernatorial campaigns in Texas. Working behind the scenes and through lieutenants in his state's delegation, he lined up votes needed to nominate his candidate at the nominating convention in Baltimore, and he took pains, eliciting the cooperation of Mrs. William Jennings Bryan to win the essential support of her husband.

Feeling the full weight of his new mantle the day after his election to the presidency, Wilson retired to a cottage in Bermuda - "to do a lot of thinking," he said. He took with him Philip Dru. Many of its prescriptions for reform ran parallel to those set down in Wilson's The New Freedom: A Call for the Emancipation of the American People.

During Wilson's first months in the White House he frequently called upon his "alter ego" in New York, where it was agreed that House should reside in order to give him a broad perspective over and above the Washington political scene. Soon House had established himself as a confidant not only of the president, but of officials around him as well. Wilson found him a reliable source of information, invaluable in purveying truth unwarped by flattery or self-interest. He addressed House in letters as "My dear Friend," signed himself "Affectionately yours," and told him that, with one or two exceptions, he was the most efficient man he had ever known. Both Wilson and his associates in the government confided to "the Colonel" things that they would not say to one another.

Without betraying confidences House prevented or alleviated friction. He kept informed about local political problems that the president had no time to study. Moreover, this solicitous friend seemed to the president always ready to respond with cheer for despondent moods and caution for moods of elation and overconfidence. House was scrupulously tactful in avoiding jealousy on the part of high officials who might be disappointed when he seemed to come between them and their chief and who might resent the influence upon their tenure in office that might be exerted by an outsider whom a popular journal called "the president's silent partner." Indeed, such embarrassing effusions made House wonder, as he wrote to his brother-in-law, "how much of this sort of thing W. W. can stand." Noting that Wilson was less receptive than he seemed to be to uninvited advice, House endeavored to insinuate his ideas, when they differed from his friend's, in a tactful way that led Wilson sometimes to accept them as his own.

Thus an understanding was established that survived many critical events in the nation's history, such as the framing and enactment of the New Freedom legislation, the election of 1916, the preservation of American neutrality in the early years of World War I, and the making of an armistice agreement that seemed to lay a foundation for a compassionate and enduring peace. All through the war years the close affinity of these two high-spirited men withstood the political buffeting that their exalted position invited, until their rapport was shattered by the president's failing health and the tragic events of 1919 that are recorded in my Wilson and His Peacemakers and elsewhere.

House's diary stands as an essential element to be weighed in conjunction with other documentation in constructing the history of the years of the Wilson-House association. The depth of the understanding between the two men, the vital import of the affairs of state that they discussed, and the faithfulness and frankness of House's recordings give to them a status of primacy among sources of American and world history.

In making arrangements for the preservation of his diary House was cognizant of the concern of professional scholars for an unadulterated view of what he had written. As the guardian and editor of his papers he chose from among many interested academic solicitors one who had been patient and not importunate -- Professor Charles Seymour of Yale, who had served as an expert advisor at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919. This eminent historian, finding House's "sense of the scientific historical spirit" to be "very lively," edited The Intimate Papers of Colonel House, the four-volume work of which excerpts from the diary make up a substantial part. House himself in a brief "Prefatory Note" took pains to warn that the book "treated only of such matters as came within the orbit" of his own activities; and he wrote that his "chief desire" was "to let the papers tell their own story."

In entrusting his documents to the Yale Library House placed upon the conscience and judgment of Professor Seymour the full responsibility for arranging and publishing such of them as would dispel a mystic legend that had grown up, nurtured by the secretiveness by which House had thought it wise to screen sensitive political and diplomatic maneuvers. Seymour explained with biographical insight the Colonel's policy of self-effacement. "The desire to escape publicity was largely a matter of common sense," Seymour wrote in his introduction, "for in this way only could he hope to avoid political enmities and jealousies: ... It was also instinctive, springing not from undue modesty, for Colonel House was as coldly objective in judging himself as another, but rather from a philosophic pleasure in accomplishment rather than reward, and perhaps in part from a sardonic sense of humor which was tickled by the thought that he, unseen and often unsuspected, without great wealth or office, merely through the power of personality and good sense, was actually deflecting the currents of history."

House's record of the major battles that were fought in the councils at Paris by the procreators of the League reflects his appreciation of their enduring significance in human history. Yet he was not so elated by the prospect of realization of one of his most cherished dreams that he failed to give a trustworthy account of the hard work that Wilson and Lord Robert Cecil did and of the moral force that they exerted in the interest of humanity's great political cause. In describing the two critical sessions of the League of Nations Commission on April 10 and 11, 1919, in the first of which the American prophet shocked legalistic delegates by bursting into a torrent of eloquence in a speech that was remembered by the few who heard it as one of his greatest, House went only so far as to report that at one point in the proceedings Wilson "finally" lost patience with French obstructors and made "an impassioned speech" that was "full of eloquence and good sense" and "convinced everybody but the French delegates at whom it was directed." What appeared to be the determining factor, in House's view, is revealed in the diary's precise report of the arduous session on the second night, in which the Commission of delegates was driven to accept amendments to the League's constitution that were demanded by American senators. Of the stormy give-and-take in which French voices repeatedly protested against any amendment that might weaken American commitment to the future protection of France, House wrote in the diary on April 12:

Last night [April 11] we did not adjourn the meeting of the Committee for the League of Nations until a quarter past one o'clock. Again Cecil and the others wished to quit and again the President and I held them to the task until they had finished. Long experience in such matters teaches me that it is the last quarter of an hour that does the work. Everybody practically gave up and we passed matters almost as fast as we could read them during the last fifteen minutes. This is a game I have played all my life, and I felt so much at home that when it was over I was not even tired. Around half past twelve Cecil asked how long the meeting was to continue. I told him until daylight or until we had finished ... we were not in a humor to take anything except what we wanted and what we wanted was finally passed ... It was an exhibition of Anglo-Saxon tenacity. The President, Cecil and I were alone with about fifteen of the others against us, and yet in some way we always carried our point."

David Hunter Miller, the American legal adviser, was present at this meeting. He recorded in his diary that feeling ran so high that the session broke up without any perfunctory closing remarks. He wrote that he was called into consultation by Wilson "on almost every point that was discussed" and that House was so aroused that at one juncture he said to Miller that an amendment to Article XX of the Covenant, designed by Americans to protect the Monroe Doctrine and introduced by Lord Robert Cecil, must be put through as it was. The French, House whispered, could "go to Hell 7,000 feet deep."

Now, as what may come to be known in the world's history as "the American century" nears its end, the celebration of the 75th anniversary of the bold pioneering of Wilson and House in behalf of a league of nations provides a most fitting occasion for the publicizing of House's complete diary. Indeed, it is particularly fortunate, as efforts are being made to re-evaluate and revitalize the United Nations, to have at hand a reliable account of the experience of Wilson and House in their devoted efforts to give responsible leadership in satisfying the popular demand for a new world order that would prevent repetitions of the intolerable horror that international war had become.

1 Robert C. Hildebrand, "Edward M. House," in Profiles in Power: Twentieth-century Texans in Washington, edited by Kenneth E. Hendrickson Jr. and Michael L. Collins (Arlington Heights, Ill.: Harlan Davidson, 1993).

http://www.library.yale.edu/un/house/hist_sig.htm

http://www.library.yale.edu/un/house/contents.htm

Edward Mandell House had this to say in a private meeting with Woodrow Wilson (President) [1913-1921]

“[Very] soon, every American will be required to register their biological property in a National system designed to keep track of the people and that will operate under the ancient system of pledging. By such methodology, we can compel people to submit to our agenda, which will affect our security as a chargeback for our fiat paper currency. Every American will be forced to register or suffer not being able to work and earn a living. They will be our chattel, and we will hold the security interest over them forever, by operation of the law merchant under the scheme of secured transactions. Americans, by unknowingly or unwittingly delivering the bills of lading to us will be rendered bankrupt and insolvent, forever to remain economic slaves through taxation, secured by their pledges. They will be stripped of their rights and given a commercial value designed to make us a profit and they will be non the wiser, for not one man in a million could ever figure our plans and, if by accident one or two would figure it out, we have in our arsenal plausible deniability. After all, this is the only logical way to fund government, by floating liens and debt to the registrants in the form of benefits and privileges. This will inevitably reap to us huge profits beyond our wildest expectations and leave every American a contributor or to this fraud which we will call “Social Insurance.” Without realizing it, every American will insure us for any loss we may incur and in this manner; every American will unknowingly be our servant, however begrudgingly. The people will become helpless and without any hope for their redemption and, we will employ the high office of the President of our dummy corporation to foment this plot against America.”

http://www.illuminati-news.com/0/House.htm

The Council on Foreign Relations And the Trilateral Commission
________________________

The two organizations that run the United States

by Melvin Sickler

There are two groups of elite men and women in particular that most American people do not know about, but which are a clear threat and danger to the freedom of the American people. These are the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) and the Trilateral Commission.

Right now the United States is completely under the control of those who run these two organizations (David Rockefeller in particular). It is therefore important to understand these organizations if we wish to understand what has been taking place in the United States since the early 1900’s.

The resource material I am using that explains in depth what these two organizations are all about was written by Jack Newell and Devvy Kidd ("Why A Bankrupt America?", Project Liberty, P.O. Box 741075, Arvada, CO 80006-9075). Please allow me to share the main ideas with you.

Edward Mandell House

The Council on Foreign Relations was founded in 1921 by Edward Mandell House, who had been the chief advisor of President Woodrow Wilson. Actually, he was more than just a prominent aide of the President; he dominated the President. He was referred to as Wilson’s "alter ego" (other self), and was credited for being the most powerful individual in the United States during the Wilson Administration from 1913 until 1921.

House was a Marxist whose goal was to socialize the United States. In 1912, House wrote the book "Philip Dru: Administrator" in which he stated that he was working for "Socialism as dreamed of by Karl Marx." In this book, House laid out a plan for the conquest of America, telling how both the Democratic and Republican Parties would be controlled, and be used as instruments in the creation of a socialistic government. And he asked for the establishment of a state-controlled central bank, which were both proposed in "The Communist Manifesto". And it was in 1913, during the very first year of the House-dominated Wilson Administration, that both of these proposals became law. The Federal Reserve Act was passed, which brought into power a private central bank to create the money of the United States, taking this power away from the united States Congress. And the 16th Amendment to the United States Constitution, the graduated income tax as proposed by Karl Marx, was also ratified.

The Council on Foreign Relations

In 1921, House and his friends formed the Council on Foreign Relations whose purpose right from its conception was to destroy the freedom and independence of the United States, and to lead the country into a one-world government.

Right from its beginning, in 1921, the CFR began to attract men of power and influence. In the late 1920’s, important financing for the CFR came from the Rockefeller Foundation and the Carnegie Foundation. In 1940, at the invitation of President Roosevelt, members of the CFR gained domination over the State Department, and they have maintained this domination ever since.

Its intentions

The late Carroll Quigley (Bill Clinton’s mentor), Professor of History at Georgetown University, member of the CFR, stated in his book, "Tragedy & Hope":

"The CFR is the American Branch of a society which originated in England, and which believes that national boundaries should be obliterated, and a one-world rule established."

Rear Admiral Chester Ward, a former member of the Cfr for 16 years, warned the American people of the organization’s intentions:

"The most powerful clique in these elitist groups have one objective in common — they want to bring about the surrender of the sovereingty of the national independence of the United States. A second clique of international members in the CFR comprises the Wall Street international bankers and their key agents. Primarily, they want the world banking monopoly from whatever power ends up in the control of global government."

And Dan Smoot, a former member of the FBI Headquarters staff in Washington, D.C., summarized the organization’s purpose as follows:

"The ultimate aim of the CFR is to create a one-world socialist system, and to make the U.S. an official part of it."

In other words, the CFR’s activities are treasonous to the U.S. Constitution. Their goal is to put an end to the United States of America, and to make the country a part of their global government scheme.

Its influence

In 1944 and in 1948, the Republican candidate for President, Thomas Dewey, was a CFR member. In later years, Republicans Eisenhower and Nixon were members of the CFR, as were Democrats Stevenson, Kennedy, Humphrey, and McGovern. (Note: We believe Kennedy became disloyal to the CFR prior to his assassination.") The American people think that they have a choice when they vote for a President, but the truth of the matter is , with few exceptions: Presidential candidates for decades have been CFR members.

In one of the CFR’s annual reports, published in 1978, it listed a membership of 1878 members. Eleven of its members at this time were United States Senators, with even more Congressmen belonging to the organization. 284 of its members listed in this report were United States Government officials. And the Chairman of the Board of this immensely powerful pyramid was stated as being none other than David Rockefeller himself.

The CFR not only has its members in the United States Government, but its influence has also spead to other vital areas of American life. According to Newell: "Its members have run, or are running, NBC and CBS, ‘The New York Times’, ‘The Washington Post’, ‘The Des Moines Register’, and many other important newspapers. The leaders of ‘Time’, ‘Newsweek’, ‘Fortune’, ‘Business Week’, and numerous other publications are CFR members. The organization’s members also dominate the academic world, top corporations, the huge tax-exempt foundations, labor unions, the military, and just about every segment of American life."

Barry Goldwater states in his book, "With No Apologies", on page 231:

"Does it not seem strange to you that these men just happened to be CFR and just happened to be on the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve, that absolutely controls the money and interest rates of this great country without benefit of Congress? A privately owned organization, the Federal Reserve, which has absolutely nothing to do with the United States of America!"

and Newell continues to write: "Not every member of the CFR is fully committed to carrying out Edward Mandell House’s conspiratorial plan. Many have been flattered by an invitation to join a study group, which is what the CFR calls itself. Others go along because of personal benefits, such as a nice job and a new importance. But all are used to promote the destruction of U.S. sovereignty."

All aspects of American life are dominated

The members of the CFR dominate almost every aspect of American life, yet most Americans have never even heard of the Council on Foreign Relations. One reason for this is probably because there are over 170 journalists, correspondents, and communications executives who are members of the CFR, and who do not write about the organization. Also, it is an express condition of membership that no one is to disclose what goes on at CFR meetings.

Congressmen John R. Rarick had warned:

"The CFR, dedicated to one-world government, financed by a number of the largest tax-exempt foundations, and wielding such power and influence over our lives in the areas of finance, business, labor, military, education, and mass communication-media, should be familiar to every American concerned with good government, and with preserving and defending the U.S. Constitution and our free-enterprise system. Yet, the nation’s right-to-know machinery, the news media, usually so aggressive in exposures to inform our people, remain conspicuously silent when it comes to the CFR, its members and their activities.

"The CFR is the establishment. Not only does it have influence and power in key decision-making positions at the highest levels of government to apply pressure from above, but it also finances and uses individuals and groups to bring pressure from below, to justify the high level decisions for converting the U.S. from a sovereign Constitution Republic into a servile member of a one-world dictatorship."

The CFR now has its main headquarters at the corner of park Avenue and 68th Street in New York City, in a building given to the organization by the Rockefeller family in 1929. Its main goal is still to create a one-world government by destroying the freedom and independence of all nations, especially the United States. And David Rockefeller continues to be its Chairman of the Board.

The Trilateral Commission

Unfortunately, the Council on Foreign Relations is not the only group proposing an end to the sovereignty of the United States. In 1973, The Trilateral Commission was founded to work for the same goal: a one-world government.

The Trilateral Commission's roots stem from the book, "Between Two Ages", written by Zbigniew Brzezinski in 1970. In this book, Brzezinski praised Marxism, thought of the United States as obsolete, and praised the formation of a one-world government. His thinking closely parallels that of CFR founder Edward Mandell house.

Marxism

On page 72, Brzezinski writes: "Marxism is simultaneously a victory of the external, active man over the inner, passive man and a victory of reason over belief."

On page 83, he states: "Marxism disseminated on the popular level in the form of Communism, represented a major advance in man's ability to conceptualize his relationship to his world."

On page 123, we find: "Marxism supplied the best available insight into contemporary reality."

What Mr. Brzezinski fails to tell his readers is that approximately 100 million human beings have been murdered under Marxism "in the form of Communism" just in this Twentieth Century. It has enslaved a billion more, and has been responsible for those who live in Communist-dominated countries. There is nothing like being brainwashed!

For world government

Zbigniew Brzezinski's "Between Two Ages" was published in 1970 while he was a professor in New York City. David Rockefeller read the book and, in 1973, launched the new Trilateral Commission, whose purposes include linking North America, Western Europe, and Japan "in their economic relations, their political and defense relations, their relations with developing countries, and their relations with Communist countries."

As Newell writes: "The original literature of The Trilateral Commission also states, exactly as Brzezinski's book had proposed, that the more advanced Communist States could become partners in the alliance leading to world government. In short, David Rockefeller implemented Brzezinski's proposal."

Rockefeller appointed Zbigniew Brzezinski to be the Director of The Trilateral Commission.

Jimmy Carter

In 1973, Jimmy Carter became a student of Brzezinski, and a founding member of the Trilateral Commission.

On March 21, 1978, "The New York Times" featured an article about Zbigniew Brzezinski's close relationship with the President. In part, it reads: "The two men met for the first time four years ago when mr. Brzezinski was executive director of The Trilateral Commission… and had the foresight to ask the then obscure former Governor of Georgia to join its distinguished ranks. Their initial teacher-student relationship blossomed during the campaign, and appears to have grown closer still."

To think that the teacher in this relationship praised Marxism, and wanted to form a one-world government. And the student was to become ghe President of the united States.

During the 1976 political campaign, Carter repeatedly told the nation that he was going to get rid of the Establishment Insiders if he became president. But when he took office, he promptly filled his Administration with members of the Council on Foreign Relations (284 to be exact) and The Trilateral Commission, the two most prominent insider organizations in America. Included in this list of members of The Trilateral Commission were Walter Mondale and Dr. Henry Kissinger.

Beginning with Jimmy Carter, all the recent presidents, including president Clinton, have promptly filled their administrations with members of the Council on Foreign relations and The Trilateral Commission.

The effects

The common everyday American citizen does not need to be told that there is a controlled government running the United States. But when we understand exactly what the Council on Foreign Relations and The Trilateral Commission are, and how its members hold key positions in the Government, it becomes all the more clear.

As Newell writes: "The effects of the Council on Foreign Relation and The Trilateral Commission on the affaires of our nation is easy to see. Our own Government no longer acts in its own interest, we no longer win any wars we fight, and we constantly tie ourselves to international agreements, pacts, and conventions. And, our leaders have developed blatant preferences for Communist U.S.S.R., Communist Cuba, and Communist China, while they continue to work for world government, which has always been the goal of Communism…

"The real goal of our own Government’s leaders is to make the United States into a carbon copy of a Communist state, and then to merge all nations into a one-world system run by a powerful few."

Barry Goldwater once stated on this subject:

"The Trilateral Commission is international, and it is intended to be the vehicle for multinational consolidation of the commercial and banking interests by seizing control of the political government of the United States. The Trilateral Commission represents a skillful, coordinated effort to seize control and consolidate the four centers of power – political, monetary, intellectual, and ecclesiastical."

As with the CFR, not all the members of The Trilateral Commission are fully committed to the destruction of the United States. Some just go along for the ride, to obtain fame, comfortabel living, and constatn flattery. But some, of course, really do run things and some, of course, really do run things and work against the independence of the united States.

In conclusion

The American people may think that they live in a free country when, in reality, things could not be more controlled. The American public must be made aware of what is really taking place in the united States.

The key to obtain our freedom, to have a true independence, is to free ourselves from the yoke of International Finance. How true it is to state that those who control the money of a country control everything in that country.

The first step is prayer: to kneel down before Almighty God and to ask Him to save America, to shower His blessings on this great land.

And second; to educate the population. Every citizen of the United States should become informed about these inside organizations, and make it a point not to vote nor to promote those, who are members for these organizations. And to demand a reform of the financial laws of the country, especially to repeal the Federal Reserve Act of 1913, and to implement the philosophy of Social Credit into the laws of the country.

Make it a point to subscribe as many people as possible to the "Michael" Journal so they could become educated as to how the financial system of the United States could actually be corrected. Then the United States Government would no longer be under the control of the Bankers, but would become a servant of the American people.

http://www.prolognet.qc.ca/clyde/cfr.html

(1) The Round Table and Council on Foreign Relations

"The Round Table organization in England grew out of the life-long dream of gold and diamond magnate Cecil Rhodes for a 'new world order'."